Title, Democracia y totalitarismo. Volume of Biblioteca Breve · Biblioteca Breve. Ciencias Humanas · Biblioteca breve (Seix Barral).: Ciencias humanas. Democracia y totalitarismo. Front Cover. Raymond Aron. Seix Barral, – pages Bibliographic information. QR code for Democracia y totalitarismo. Democracia y totalitarismo. By Raymond Aron. About this book · Get Textbooks on Google Play. Rent and save from the world’s largest eBookstore. Read.

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One of his most interesting observations is the totalitadismo of contrast between the soviet reality and the constitutional fictions. The book conclusion is the imperfection of both regimes, democracies and totalitarianism, but it is necessary to distinguish between a regime essentially imperfect and other one evidently imperfect.

As Aron suggested, change will come from a split in the privilege minority owning the power. De Gaulle did not need to use sedition to bury the Forth Republic.

Democracia y totalitarismo, de Raymond Aron

Aron also emphasizes the weaknesses of democracies in the foreign policy domain, due to its tendency to question plain facts and their doubts when assuming risks. Ideology has become a mean to an end.

Nevertheless, this could not be used for the transformation of the system because party monopoly, ideological orthodoxy and bureaucratic absolutism continued. We will be told that the world has changed and each time it changes more, that there are few certainties and that the thinkers of the past, although this one is recent, are not of great utility.

It is raymonv worthy wondering if the authors raised to the category of ray,ond are men of their time who could be considered old-fashioned nowadays.

Rubio Plo Democracy and totalitarianism. The logical conclusion is the identification between State and party. The monopoly is justified since the political party is the only authentic representation, because its objective is democrscia construction of a new and more rsymond society. Review by Antonio Rubio Plo, international politics analyst and professor of comparative politics and Spanish foreign policy. This is not the case of Raymond Aron, the French political analyst and sociologist who some would want to circumscribe its relevance to the interwar period and the Cold War.


Democracia y totalitarismo

The author reviews presidential and parliamentary democracies and compares the European and American political systems. They will doubtlessly useful. In any case, politics are rxymond important to Aron than economics, and this will be one of its various objections to Marxism, the dominant creed among French intellectuals from the second half of the 20th century.

Soviets had several constitutions that on paper meant a plural regime. Aron knew perfectly the man who was going to govern France. In these terms all others are traitors. Aron believes in liberal democracy, but distrusts the unanimities and even more the ideologies which aim at building perfect systems. There was no need to wait for an uprising of the governed.

Raymond Aron studies as well the monopolistic political regimes, particularly the Soviet Union. In this regard we could reflect on a Montesquieu quote, transcribed by Aron, who affirms that whenever we see everybody tranquil in a state that calls itself a republic, we can be sure that liberty does not exist there. In reaction to the accusations claiming that parties only represent some particular oligarchies, Aron believes them to be necessary for the existence of political pluralism.

When revolutionary movements take power, one oligarchy usually replaces other.

It was still a fiction because, for them, only the single political party represented the proletariat. All are imperfect, but paraphrasing Orwell, we could say some are more imperfect than others. On another level, the author underlines the contrast between communist determinism and the role played by the will of the leaders.


Cemocracia and totalitarianism includes the nineteen lectures Aron taught at the Sorbonne University inwhen France was immersed in the Algerian war and the General De Gaulle was about to take power to establish the presidential rule of the French Fifth Republic.

Here, fanaticism is not incompatible with some scepticism. In this way, as Aron correctly remarks, the Fifth Republic really became the Third Empire, of course a parliamentary and plebiscitary Empire.

During his life, he wrote outstanding economic analysis, but this was not incompatible with his arron that it is not always easy to know what economic powers want, democraca he underlines that it is very simple to affirm that it is a unitary force.

Once again, the unconditional unanimities. Otherwise, which political regime would be free of not being identified as an oligarchy? There is no doubt that by then changes were introduce in the economic aspect and the revolutionary fervor of the Marxist faith seemed to be weakened.

On the other side, Aron does not believe in the usual conspiracy theories, even less in those saying economic powers make use of political puppets, as usual common place. Until which point could it evolve after the de-Stalinization driven by Khrushchev? Review by Antonio R.